What does BACA do? Part X
Proposed CEQA ballot initiative does seek to address important problems with CEQA.
This is the tenth in a series of blog posts on the California Chamber of Commerce’s proposed ballot initiative amending the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA). The first blog post is here. The second blog post is here. The third blog post is here. The fourth blog post is here. The fifth blog post is here. The sixth blog post is here. The seventh blog post is here. The eighth blog post is here. The ninth blog post is here.
I’ve spent a lot of time emphasizing the uncertainty in the proposed initiative, and what I see are potential problems with the initiative. But I also want to recognize that the initiative is trying to address some real issues in how CEQA works, and those issues are worth taking seriously and addressing.
First, the initiative is trying to provide clarity and certainty with respect to what is a significant impact under CEQA – the key threshold that in turn determines the analytic and mitigation requirements under the statute. The definition of significance under the statute and Guidelines is vague and general. The initiative tries to address that issue by tying significance to existing written legal requirements. I’ve explained the potential pitfalls of that approach above. But the concern is real. Vague and general significance standards means that project proponents can be faced with endlessly shifting targets, disputes over what levels of harm are real, dueling expert presentations and analyses, and more. That in turn can enable opponents who want to stop a project to latch on to a claim that the significance threshold used in the analysis is inadequate – and litigate that question if needed. Agency development of quantified or more specific thresholds of significance addresses most of the issues here, but that only works for some resource issues. Others, such as aesthetic impacts, and impacts on ecological resources like species and ecosystems, may not lend themselves to relatively specific, objective, or quantitative standards – whether it is because of uncertainty, the value choices inherent in determining the impact on the resource, or because of our lack of knowledge of what matters for the resource.
Second, is the problem of mission creep in CEQA. What counts as an “environmental” impact that should be considered in CEQA review? Again, the definition in the statute and the guidelines is vague and general. That in turn means that project opponents can try to expand the scope of CEQA to identify new types of environmental impacts. That in turn has the advantage of making the project proponent develop new analytic methods (many of which may be novel and thus costly or difficult to develop, and that themselves can be contested by opponents), identify what the level of significance should be (also novel and thus easily contested), and identify mitigation (same). An example of this approach includes the opponents of the UC Berkeley People’s Park housing project challenging the project for not considering the noise impacts produced by the new residents of the project on the neighbors.
Third is the problem of government agencies using CEQA as a tool to endlessly delay projects they do not want to approve, but also do not want to risk litigation over disapproval. This is an approach particularly used by local governments seeking to stop housing projects. Here the agency plays the role of Lucy, holding the football for Charlie Brown to kick, and then pulling it away at the last moment – identifying new flaws in the CEQA review, requiring a continuance while the project proponent addresses those flaws, and then repeating that cycle at the next meeting. The state legislature has tried to address these issues in local land-use approvals for residential projects through amendments to the Housing Accountability Act and Permit Streamlining Act, though their application to CEQA is limited.
But resolving all three of these issues is in tension with the role that CEQA plays as a backstop to other legal protections – if there are new or emerging environmental harms or new or emerging technologies or development approaches that do not fit within our current system, CEQA will provide at least some protection through analytic and mitigation requirements. CEQA plays a similar role in addressing cumulative impacts of projects, since our environmental laws in general do a poor job of addressing cumulative impacts. And as I’ve noted above, there are a range of gaps in our existing laws that CEQA fills, and without CEQA it is unclear what might happen to the resources those laws protect.
To me that means that reforming CEQA to address its weaknesses requires a more thoughtful approach than this initiative takes. It also requires an approach that allows the legislature flexibility to respond to unintended consequences – both to address under- and overregulation through CEQA.



As a voter, I think this is an easy “no.” If it takes ten blog posts to explain, then I’m not even sure it should be on a ballot – it must do too many things at once. (I will keep reading these bits though – this was my second.)
Meanwhile, only a tiny percentage of projects get sued – I am not even convinced this is a real problem. (Where I am, LA, Ceqa just means extra talk – people go right ahead and do what they were going to do anyway. And they just pretend there are no impacts.) Land is just expensive here. *Everything* is expensive here.
As for Berkeley. They shouldn’t be building on a precious tiny bit of open space. What a bunch of bums. We should build more colleges in red areas, if we need more colleges which maybe we do.
I was just re-reading the first post – and, again, it’s an easy “no” vote.
Whyyyyyyyyyyy would I let the proponent define their project and name only one alternative?
There is so much doubletalk in our politics now, even this bit is problematic. I do not see why incentivizing more nonsense is a good idea.
Who did they get to write this thing?
Isn’t this “essential” project business itself part of the problem? I mean, didn’t the Legislature use this type of language to force a basketball arena on Sacramento, which the residents didn’t want? (While narrowly interpreting rules about prop language.)
I just hope you realize how little trust there is.
Every time I think things can’t get worse, surprise!
Okay, I’m midway through # 2 and I see this:
“Those statements are at the least in deep conflict with other provisions of the initiative, and are plausibly false and misleading.
That’s because other provisions of the initiative make clear that this initiative is to be broadly interpreted, and overrides any other conflicting laws.”
So, this shouldn’t be allowed on the ballot. Bonta is a super yimby and I expect he won’t do anything, I’m sorry to say.
I think it’s very helpful that you did all this work – thank you – and I’m sorry to be a such a crank.
But this prop seems extremely unwise and unfair. It is an example of all that is so very wrong in California.
And, we have no one to fix it – I can’t even find a goob candidate who’s not yimby. (You would think there’d be competition, but so far, I don’t see one. Anyone?)